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Convener, I should have said at the start of the meeting, as I did at the start of our previous one, that I am in receipt of personal independence payment and hope to be transferred to the adult disability payment at some point. I am also a former member of the First-tier Tribunal for Scotland.

In the distant past—about eight or nine years ago—the deputy convener and I had a pleasant day out at Victoria Quay. We were taken down there and saw a really interesting presentation on how the new social security system would work, the Scottish Government’s input to it, and how it would be an all-singing, all-dancing system. I and other members of the committee at that point had quite an interesting day out. I came away from the visit thinking that we would be able to look at the new system and say how well it was doing and how different it was from the DWP one.

Now, X years on from that point, I do not think that we have got things right yet. There is a lot of information that we would like to know from Social Security Scotland with regard to how it is doing. For example, I recently wrote to the agency and, in response, it said:

“We are currently unable to measure or report on the time taken between the receipt of all the supporting information and the decision being made in a case.”

That seems to me to be quite a fundamental issue if the committee is to scrutinise how well Social Security Scotland is doing and to see whether it is meeting its aims. That is why, through amendment 12, I seek to introduce key performance indicators for Social Security Scotland.

Not all the fault lies with Social Security Scotland—nor with the cabinet secretary, who was not, I presume, in post at that time. The Scottish Government designed the system that Social Security Scotland is using, yet that system is unable to provide basic information, so we cannot judge how well the agency is doing against certain criteria.

My amendment 12 therefore seeks to bring in KPIs for Social Security Scotland. Having listened to the cabinet secretary on many occasions, I appreciate that it might not be appropriate to do that in primary legislation. My aim is to get the Scottish Government to consult on the matter, as it does very well with this committee, stakeholders and other interested parties, and to bring in KPIs so that we can measure how Social Security Scotland is doing. That seems to me to be a reasonable thing to happen, and it would allow us to go forward with greater assurance. Clearly, some information that is not currently there will still be missing, which will always be disappointing. However, I think that we can rectify the situation to some degree.

I would use the same arguments with regard to the work of the First-tier Tribunal, which I will address later. The committee and the Parliament need to have confidence that the policy and principles that we set will happen in practice, but my fear is that that is not happening from day to day. I acknowledge that we do not necessarily want to set KPIs for the First-tier Tribunal in primary legislation, so amendment 13 aims to have the Government consider those and introduce appropriate secondary legislation.

We all want Social Security Scotland to work—not only in principle, but because it exists to serve the most vulnerable people in our society. If we cannot know whether it is doing that, we as a committee are failing. The KPIs that amendment 12 would introduce could make a massive difference.

I move amendment 12.

That information is simply not available. I have given an example of my having written to Social Security Scotland to ask for that information, but it is not producing it. We can have the chief executive in front of the committee as often as we want, but if the agency is not producing that information how can we scrutinise it?

Convener, you will pleased to hear that I think this will be my last contribution of the morning, so I just want to take this opportunity to thank the cabinet secretary and her officials for their positive engagement. We might disagree, but at least we do so nicely. I also thank officials for the time that they have given, both in one-to-one meetings and in writing to me, with regard to this matter.

Amendment 14 seeks to meet the principles that we all agree on of dignity, fairness and respect. The First-tier Tribunal is important as a place where people’s cases can be looked at with a fresh pair of eyes and different decisions made. Statistically speaking, people who go to the tribunal are more likely to succeed in their appeals. For some, going to a tribunal in person is not what they would want, and that view should be absolutely respected. Whether their preference is for an online hearing or for the tribunal to review their case on paper, that should be their choice. However, people should also be allowed to go to the First-tier Tribunal for a face-to-face hearing, if that is what they want.

Things have changed since Covid. As I have said previously, eight or nine years ago, I was a member of the DWP tribunal when it was still run by the Scottish Courts and Tribunals Service. Across the country, from Aberdeen to Stornoway and from Gala to Dumfries, tribunals would sit on a daily basis, particularly in the central belt, and cases would be heard. We have discovered through a freedom of information request that between January 2023 and January 2024 one in-person hearing was held, while over the same period 343 hearings were held over the telephone.

I am sure that all members have been spending their evenings reading the “Scottish Tribunals Annual Report 2022-2023”. It contains a really interesting sentence that is the reason for my having lodged amendment 14. It says that

“on cause shown the Chamber President can”—

and I emphasise the word “can”—

“authorise in-person hearings.”

That means that the chamber president can choose whether or not to hold an in-person tribunal hearing, but it does not mean that the individual will automatically be given an in-person hearing if he or she wants it. That is why amendment 14 is really important.

I have heard from various organisations that are involved with the First-tier Tribunal that they would want hearings to be held in person if that was what the claimant wanted, but they have been put off by the tribunals service in that regard. For that reason, I think that there should be a presumption of an in-person First-tier Tribunal hearing; however, if the claimant does not want that and instead wants a telephone or online hearing, or wants their case to be reviewed on paper, that should absolutely be their choice. I simply think that the chamber president having the power to authorise such hearings seems to me to move away from the principle of treating the individual with dignity, fairness and respect.

I move amendment 14.

Absolutely.

It would be fair to say that, of all the areas that we looked at during stage 1, this was probably the most controversial and perhaps the hardest for us to come to a view on. In some ways, it is unfortunate that Mr Mason is no longer with us, as he was a bit of a Rottweiler on this particular issue.

With your permission, convener, I will take a wee bit of time to explain where I am coming from. Let me be absolutely clear: I believe in audit. That is why I think, at this moment, that I will not support Maggie Chapman’s amendment 58, which would get rid of the audit completely, although I look forward to her trying to persuade me otherwise.

I believe in audit, but the issue is who is being audited. The point of having an audit, as set out in the original purpose of the bill, was to audit Social Security Scotland. I feel that we have taken it a step further and are saying that we want to audit people who have been given an entitlement to an award even though nothing has changed. Nothing in their circumstances has changed, but we are now going to take away that entitlement.

The Scottish Government has moved quite cleverly, through a back door, from saying that it wants to audit Social Security Scotland to saying that the audit is actually about fraud and has nothing to do with how Social Security Scotland is doing.

I welcome the cabinet secretary’s comments, and I look forward to that consultation taking place. I am grateful that she will include all stakeholders in it. I absolutely acknowledge that my amendment leaves out other potential groups who might be affected by the issue, but it was important to have the debate here so that Poppyscotland and other organisations are assured that the process will happen in a timely manner. I look forward to the new guidance reflecting where we are today and, I hope, protecting those who have served our country and others who have had compensation given to them.

On that basis, I seek to withdraw my amendment.

Amendment 8, by agreement, withdrawn.

Section 3—Repeal of section 52B of the 2018 Act

Amendment 105 not moved.

Section 3 agreed to.

After section 3

Amendment 28 moved—[Shirley-Anne Somerville]—and agreed to.

Sections 4 to 6 agreed to.

Section 7—New determination of entitlement after error

The next few proposed sections all relate to increasing the amount of money that the Scottish Government pays to the most vulnerable in society. As we all know, we are in a difficult financial situation, which is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. However, I do not think that that means that we stop looking after the most vulnerable in our society. As the deputy convener likes to say on numerous occasions at this committee, we all have political choices to make, and these are political choices that we must now make as a committee and, ultimately, as a Parliament.

We all recognise that carers in our society do an immense amount of work—work that goes unseen and which saves the taxpayer billions of pounds a year. The sacrifices made by those who care for loved ones, whether they be a husband or a wife, a child or another relative, are immense. Many of them have to change or give up their jobs, and many have to change their social life. Sadly, towards the end of the individual’s life, carers often see the pain that they are going through and the lack of fulfilment in their life. Many carers make that sacrifice because they love the person whom they are caring for, but that comes at a cost.

I am pleased that the Government has moved to some extent in that regard by extending the carer support payment post death. However, I think that we can go further. My amendment 3 seeks to extend the payment for six months, so that the person who has given so much can readjust to a whole new life—emotionally and physically—as well as readjust their financial situation with regard to what they want to do next. Many will have to seek training or upskill to get a job; some will have to do CVs and go for job interviews; others will simply need the time and space to grieve the loss of someone whom they have poured so much into.

I do not think it unreasonable for us as a society to acknowledge that and to extend the payment to six months; indeed, I have spoken to many carers organisations, and they say that one big change that they would look to make is for such an extension to be brought in. I appreciate that the cabinet secretary will say, rightly, that that will come at a cost, but I ask members to think of the cost to those people of what they have given the rest of us in society.

As for my amendment 4, the issue of the hard cliff edge has come up again and again. If a person simply steps over the line, they lose everything. That is true for the carer support payment and for other payments. I am not suggesting that this is an easy issue for us to deal with—I know that greater minds than mine have tried to look at it.

However, I think that, with the right wind and the right engagement with the sector, Government and lawyers, we can identify a tapering system that means that, if somebody’s financial situation changes only slightly, they get less of a payment but do not lose all of it. I think that that can be done fairly quickly through regulation. I would like the Government to commit to looking at a tapering process that would give a bit of flexibility to individuals who are caring for someone, so that they do not lose the whole benefit, just because of a small change in their circumstances.

I believe that, together, amendments 3 and 4 readdress where carers are at the moment. They will not address all the issues, but they would be a massive step forward. If we, as a Parliament, were to agree to them, it would send a very positive message to the many hundreds who care for people across Scotland.

I move amendment 3.

Good morning, cabinet secretary and colleagues. I confirm that we will support all the amendments in the name of the cabinet secretary in this group.

I thank the cabinet secretary for her engagement on my amendment 7 and for her helpful letter of 16 September. She has said that we all wish to make sure that the money follows the child and that those who are responsible for the child get the money. I welcome the information in the letter, but that information might not be broadly understood by the wider third sector. It would be helpful if the Government and Social Security Scotland could make that information better known so that parents and third sector organisations that advise parents are aware of it. The feedback that I have had from organisations is that they are not aware of it.

My understanding is that this is guidance rather than regulation, so perhaps the cabinet secretary could also deal with that point when closing the debate on this group. My only concern is that guidance can be changed by Social Security Scotland or the Scottish Government without the Parliament knowing that that is happening. We are trying to proof the bill not just for now but for future years and generations, so I wonder whether the committee and the Parliament could be kept up to date on any changes in that regard.

In the light of what the cabinet secretary has said, I will not move amendment 7.

This is a fairly technical group of amendments, and I am grateful to CPAG and Citizens Advice Scotland for the discussions about the issues. Currently, Social Security Scotland does not have the power to make a new determination while waiting for an appeal to be heard. For example, if a client is waiting for a Scottish child payment appeal but the Social Security Scotland appeals officer has conceded that the decision is incorrect and should have been changed at redetermination, Social Security Scotland does not have the power to make a new determination and stop the appeal. Instead, it can only invite the tribunal to award the Scottish child payment.

That causes unnecessary stress relating to the appeal for the individual and unnecessary administration for Social Security Scotland and the tribunals service. That happens more frequently than we might expect. As I said in my declaration of interests, I previously sat on tribunals. Fairly frequently, a representative of the DWP would come along and say, “I’ve looked at the papers afresh and disagree with the original decision,” and would then ask the tribunal to make the decision that the claimant had wanted in the first place. Obviously, that wastes time, energy and money, and, most important, causes stress for the claimant.

Section 7 introduces a duty for Social Security Scotland to make a new determination but only under three categories: where the First-tier Tribunal for Scotland has not yet decided the appeal; where it has been identified that the original determination is less generous than it should have been due to an error; and where the individual has consented to a new determination being made. I welcome those provisions, as they will allow individuals to access their full entitlement without having to wait for an appeal and will reduce unnecessary stress and administration. However, the bill would benefit from some modification, and my amendments seek to do that.

Proposed new section 49A(1)(b) to the Social Security (Scotland) Act 2018 specifies that there has to have been an “error” in the original determination. The requirement for an error to be identified requires the decision maker to look for something that is legally wrong with the previous determination, whereas there could simply be a different view of the same facts. There are already examples of that in case law. For example, in NB v Social Security Scotland, the same points were awarded at the determination and redetermination stages, and those points were insufficient to award adult disability payment. Even though there did not appear to be any new evidence available to Social Security Scotland, its written submission to the tribunal departed from the previous two decisions, recommending that additional points be awarded that were sufficient for ADP to be awarded at the enhanced rate. That submission did not identify an error in law with the previous decision; it simply identified a different interpretation of the evidence that had been presented.

The policy intent is to allow decision makers to make a more favourable determination. I suggest that the requirement to identify an error inserts an unnecessary and additional test that could be applied in quite a restrictive way, despite the intention that the definition of “error” is quite broad. To remove that would be helpful.

I move amendment 106.

I welcome the cabinet secretary’s comments, and I look forward to that consultation taking place. I am grateful that she will include all stakeholders in it. I absolutely acknowledge that my amendment leaves out other potential groups who might be affected by the issue, but it was important to have the debate here so that Poppyscotland and other organisations are assured that the process will happen in a timely manner. I look forward to the new guidance reflecting where we are today and, I hope, protecting those who have served our country and others who have had compensation given to them.

On that basis, I seek to withdraw my amendment.

Amendment 8, by agreement, withdrawn.

Section 3—Repeal of section 52B of the 2018 Act

Amendment 105 not moved.

Section 3 agreed to.

After section 3

Amendment 28 moved—[Shirley-Anne Somerville]—and agreed to.

Sections 4 to 6 agreed to.

Section 7—New determination of entitlement after error