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You have picked the short straw, Anna.

My three questions have been answered to some extent, specifically my question on evictions and the issues that witnesses wanted to be included in the bill. I will ask a question about what is not in the bill around extra supported living and extra care housing, as it might be known. Lyndsay Clelland, do you think that that should be included in the bill? I know that there are key groups of people in Edinburgh who are not able to hold down a tenancy, and the housing first approach does not necessarily support them. What are witnesses’ views on that? The issue also involves some student accommodation issues. I met the University of Edinburgh recently, and we talked about students with additional support needs and the one-size-fits-all model. Do witnesses want to mention anything on that?

Good morning, panel members. Thanks for joining us today. I want to ask two questions on implementation. From the research that you have been doing, what lessons do you think that the Scottish Government could learn about how any new legislative change will be implemented?

On the emergency legislation that the Parliament passed and then had to reconsider, the social rented sector had specific concerns about the rent freeze, which was taken out of the legislation by the Government in the end. Mid-market rent still sits within that, and there are concerns over the impact that that is having, especially in my area of Edinburgh, where the building of MMR homes has completely dried up. I have put forward two lessons, and I wonder whether there are other things that you would like to tell us about. I do not know who wants to start on that.

Alex Marsh, did you want to come in on that?

I will bring Joshua Davies in, because the Nationwide Foundation’s submission states that a

“a wider scheme of tenant support and enforcement is needed.”

Could you outline what that might look like? Other panel members might have something to add, too. We have already heard some information on a home report for tenants, which is an interesting concept. What would that look like? I go back to your point, Alex, about the sector needing to have certainty over what is needed and who will do that work, both in local government and in the housing sector. I will bring you in, Joshua, as I was looking specifically at your submission.

Thank you for that.

I want to touch on data, too. You have already mentioned some of the work that the Scottish Government plans to do, but what impact could that work have on councils, specifically the requirement on them to assess rent conditions in their areas? Do councils, particularly Scotland’s smaller councils, have the analytical capacity and the additional workforce to undertake that work? After all, workforce challenges are regularly raised with us.

Moreover, why is this data collection role being proposed for councils instead of being carried out at a national level? I know that different data sets are already provided at national level, but why has that not been included in the bill?

Thanks for joining us. I have a question about the understanding between tenants and landlords. To what extent do you think that tenants and landlords understand the adjudication process that you have outlined and their rights and entitlements in that?

Good morning, panel, and thank you for joining us today.

You mentioned that the principle behind the bill is to stabilise rents, but what is your assessment of the rent controls that were put in by Parliament under emergency measures and which have left Scotland with some of the highest rent increases anywhere in the United Kingdom? Does this bill not have the potential to turbocharge increases for people renting in different communities?

Thank you for that. Some of the concerns that have been raised about the bill—for example, around mid-market rent—are very important, and we should already be looking at reforming things in the bill as it stands.

We have touched on rent pressure zones, but I have a couple of questions about rent control areas. What would be the timescale and the process for developing any regulations in that respect? Also, under the rent control area provisions in the bill, what would happen in that gap after the designation of a rent control area ended? From what you have said, my understanding is that there could be multiple designations within a council area, and there is a potential risk of landlords increasing rents, especially for new lets. Indeed, we saw that happen with new lets under the emergency regulations, with the market moving; in Edinburgh, for example, we have seen very different levels of rent for the same type of flat. Globally, we have seen unintended consequences where rent controls have been used, with rents for the same property doubling.

Since the bill was published, the Scottish Government has declared a housing emergency in response to lots of councils, some of which have seen the largest rent increases, declaring their own housing emergencies. Indeed, my own council here in Edinburgh has been one of them. What response have you had to the bill since then?

I note, too, that the homelessness duties that you touched on already exist, as far as I can see, but they are being swept up in the bill. One of those duties is to ensure that children and families are not in temporary accommodation for more than a week, but in Edinburgh, some have been in such accommodation for two years. What real impact do you think this bill will have? I am concerned that this is a case of politicians talking about bringing in a bill that affects local authorities, when those authorities do not have any capacity—and, in fact, could lose it. How can we achieve the delivery of the outcomes and ensure that things do not get worse as a result of this bill? We must be very mindful of that.